Nordrhein-Westfalen
Landtag, Plenarprotokoll 17/155, pp. 69-70.
Frau
President. Ladies and gentlemen.
For over a year,
this present law of assembly occasions statewide protests in large cities of
Nordrhein-Westfalen. The last large demonstration against the law was a few weeks
ago here in front of the Landtag building.
I have witnessed
in four and a half years in the Landtag just so many demonstrations. What I have
not seen in four and a half years was a massive police presence of the kind
which was at this demonstration in front of the Landtag. The police were not
there to defend the assembly from disturbances, but they were there to defend
the parliament and the parliamentarians from the demonstrators. Now this is
surely very interesting, since it was the demonstrators who had demonstrated
against this assembly law.
Now,
assemblies should actually be peaceful events since it is naturally good, right
and important to be a critical citizen who openly declares his opinion in
common with others at rallies and assemblies; ja, that makes up die
Demokratie. It would be frightfully boring if we all had the same opinion.
It is of the greatest luxury – on this account is a democracy so important – to
have one’s opinion and also to be able to advocate it. Yet it is nevertheless
important how this opinion is advocated. When it so happens, then please let it
be peaceful and without weapons; these in any case are our value concepts.
A sad climax
of the protests was that of June 26 in Düsseldorf in Oberkassel at the
Rheinweisen, a Saturday. The alliance “Stop NRW Assembly Law” met there. Supporters
of these alliances were, among others, the State associations of the Grünen Jugend
and the Jusos NRW. The people should appear to be combative for demonstrating
against the allegedly authoritarian and undemocratic draft of this assembly
law; it was in any case thus in the invitation. And combative it was then; I am
about to speak of that also.
Now the
question is: Who there actually observed the right of freedom of assembly? With
whom go the leftist next generation hopefuls of the SPD and Greens hand in hand
into the street? There were, believe it or not, 42 supporter groups of these
alliances which have been categorized by the Constitution Defense as extreme
left – 42 extreme left organizations.
The rally was
also evaluated by the Nordrhein-Westfalen Constitution Defense as an extreme
left dominated mixed scene. In the public presentations, extremist positions
overlapped the ostensible concerns of the protest against the law and led to
the break up of the assembly.
Enemies of
the state of law, violent perpetrators, brawlers, and amidst the Greens and
SPD. So that we do not misunderstand: Even extremists have a right to
demonstrate, yet also here the question is: How does that happen? Naturally the
question needs be asked why youth organizations of democratic parties – in any
case, those which designate themselves as such – knowingly go into the street
in common with extremists?
The result of
the event was: For 328 of the participants, criminal proceedings were
determined by officials on account of crimes of violence, violations of the ban
on face covering, the explosives law, etc. Certainly, democracy does not thus
function. This day clearly showed that a consequential proceeding against such
fanatics is required.
Extreme left
violent perpetrators claim the right to freedom of assembly so as to abuse it
and thereby confirm the necessity of a law of assembly. Any of those at this
demonstration who directed themselves against this law have with their behavior
confirmed the necessity of this law.
Frau
Schäffer, you opined on the netzpolitik.org that this law treats assemblies
primarily as a potential danger for public security. Know that when Greens go
into the street together with extreme leftists public security is then in fact
affected, since such assemblies quite obviously need be seen as a danger; this
we have seen on June 26.
You may thus
be grateful to your clientele for this law. These people with their violent
actions are therein implicated that such actions need be penalized and
presuppositions need be created which in such a law find expression so as to be
able to apply to these culpable actions.
It would
actually be simpler to finally cease disturbing the peaceful demonstrations of
others, as is ever readily done by the Black Block and many leftist
counter-demonstrators. It would actually be simpler to cease attacking the
police. It would actually be simpler to cease torching automobiles. If all this
were the case, such a law would likely not be needed.
In this law
is nevertheless lacking, among other things, a language regulation. Language is
the most important step for integration; this we know and see in the well
integrated foreigners in our country. Yet what shall it be when a demonstration
takes place in a foreign language? Which effects could this have?
German is the
official language in our country, which is used in social life as well as by
government and administration. We understand ourselves in this language and form
for ourselves our opinion, in which we with others discuss and make contact.
An assembly
in the sense of Art. 8, paragraph 1, of the Basic Law is a local meeting of
many persons for the purpose of a community discussion and announcement, with
the goal of participation in the public formation of opinion. So far as assemblies are not held in German,
it is by all means to be feared that participants who do not speak the language
employed are not able to participate in the formation of opinion. This minority
needs to be thought of; their desire for formation of opinion is to be
protected.
Still more important however is that it can also not be excluded
that statements counter to the free, democratic basic order or on a complexity
of criminal offense may be come upon. Here the police would be requested to
immediately intervene.
If however no one among the police
understands the statements concerned, this can have destructive
consequences. Thus, for example, can violent confrontations arise. So as to
counter this, a translator needs to be named who simultaneously translates the
assembly. The leadership of the assembly has to bear the cost of commissioning
the translator.
We have
presented a comprehensive motion to amend [Drucksache
17/16057] which names some of the details; inter alia is there also
regulated the question of language at assemblies and the mission of the
translator.
Ladies and
gentlemen, the right of assembly is a very lofty good. The AfD defends it
wherever it goes and of course in peace. This is the only way to in fact
maintain our right of assembly.
I thank you.
[trans: tem]
