German Bundestag, Plenarprotokoll 21/12, pp.
978-980.
Right honorable Frau president. Right honorable ladies and
gentlemen. Dear countrymen.
Once again we have an additional center of conflict. This now
extends in the Middle East. And once again we stand as more or less silent
observers on the margin, and nevertheless since Sunday are once again in the
midst of the parties to the conflict.
Our narrow knowledge is often confined to one-sided
information. Our own news service sources are, as we in this house have heard, directed
to friendly organizations. Even these now appear to need be scrutinized. Thus the
U.S. American President let it be known that the information of his services in
the case of Iran would not correspond to the truth. At the same time, there
were reports that the attacked Iran would be apprised of the plans of the
U.S.A.
All of this makes an objective categorization for us all
today endlessly difficult. That was clear yesterday morning in the briefing by
the chief of the Chancellor’s Office, Herr Frei. In so brief a time frame of
events, just a little conclusive information is presented. For the open and
informative atmosphere, I want in this place to thank the Chancellor’s Office.
Yet clearly remains one thing: The possibility especially of
a danger of atomic war needs to be excluded. Should the one-time attack by the
U.S. Americans have been successful, and potential sources of damage for the
security in the Near and Middle East eliminated, this could help prevent the
resulting retaliation by Iran of a widespread fire. One reason for additional
attacks would thus no longer be present. One question which arises from the
past days is of course whether or not any country which has at its disposal
such potential abilities should voluntarily submit to international controls.
In the end, one again comes very quickly to the truly most
important categories of politics: Trust and credibility. Besides all matters of
interest, these need to be on hand so as to be able to conduct honest
negotiations between individual persons, yet also states. In that regard, comes
the position of mediators who moderate the speaking process. Here, Qatar for
long takes an important role in the region, concerning which I myself in
conversations could be convinced. So far, the efforts are certainly not
estimated highly enough. It is now for the parties to the conflict to maintain
the ceasefire.
There remains, valued colleagues: Each state has the right
to exist, and thus the right to defend itself. The relation here also lies in
international law. Like no other, this stands before the challenge to assert
itself in the present time. Here and today it is the agreed guideline, and is
valid for all.
All of us here are the representatives of the German
population, and stand first of all on their side and on the side of our
country. We always place ourselves behind states and their peoples. They decide
– like us also – sovereign in elections, over governments and relationships.
Yet what we as politicians may and need do when good relations to other states are
attended to, is to confront them with the consequences of their actions. It is
thus logical and correct to ever again refer to the importance of diplomacy as
a guarantee for peace, and ever again remind.
Beyond that, every advice needs be well weighed and decided here
in the German Bundestag. Exactly for that reason, we stand even so on the side
of Israel as on the side of all other states with which we share common interests.
Anti-semitism has just so little place with us as a blanket valuation of other
religions.
Herr Chancellor, terms like “dirty work” are in the
situation completely inappropriate and superfluous, even if they are overtaken
from others. Therefore is one thing clear: Double morality brings no one
together, but builds evident contradictions, divides and alienates.
In a particular instance, as always, the future will judge
the writing of history. In so far as the so-called Twelve Day War had the
potential to contribute positively to a contemporary end point of a long line
of conflict, I follow the call of the Chancellor to all participants to therein
maintain themselves.
Which contribution the United Nations, especially the
Security Council, can make to this needs to be discussed – which the Chancellor today
did not mention. Along this way are required comprehensive talks, multi-faceted
respect and mutual recognition. Discussions of overthrows and regime change in
this regard completely lack standing. Ladies and gentlemen, should the Iranian
people vote for a change of government, it needs be done from their own power.
We are not in the position to determine its future.
And we need ask ourselves, for example, how well-connected
and desired by the people is a crown prince who now appears to almost stand in
the starting blocks to have himself perhaps placed, generations after his
father, at the head of this country? Do we have an understanding of that or,
much more, reliable securities?
And to call upon our experience: Do we have, as part of the
world population in the last decades, really good experiences in strongly
intervening from outside in a change of power? What were the consequences of
those actions? In that regard, think of Iran, of Iraq, Afghanistan or Syria! Have
we really pacified the region and made it safer? Or have we thereby generated
trust in us and our actions?
The core or our alternative policy in the German Bundestag
is guided by the basic program of my party: No intervention in the internal affairs
of other states. No delivery of weapons to war zones. And the central point is
in diplomacy.
These are our guidelines with which we also want to maintain
and primarily advance the domestic security and the economic power of Germany.
In that regard, the greatest obstacles are well known to us, one of which is
and remains Islamism and the terrorism proceeding from it. This is to be fought
by consistent measures in the area of information and prevention, just so as
with equipment of security officials and border security, with repatriations,
yet naturally also with deportations. And he who does not want to identify
himself with the values of our Basic Law can have no place in our society.
That – I emphasize it ever again – does not stand in
contradiction to labor migration, to student residency in Germany, or to the
cooperation in cultural-scientific areas. All of these people come because they
esteem or want to get to know German Kultur
and identity. For the Alternative für Deutschland, it’s about returning to
their homeland people who are violence-prone, already convicted of violent acts
without a basis to remain, or already refused admittance. Precisely that is
only legitimate, and it protects everyone who thinks well of Germany.
It therefore applies in the present situation to ever again
put the question: In which interests occur such events? For the whole and named
reasons, it is in our own interest that in the Near and Middle East the weapons
finally be silent. We can and want to accept no additional waves of refugees. Any
further destruction to infrastructure therefore needs to be avoided. The Federal
government needs to commit itself to that.
Alexander Hoffmann (CDU/CSU): Then
speak for once with Putin, Herr Chrupalla! How would it be with that?
We all know that here diverge the interests between state
and economic thinking. Reconstruction measures create economic opportunities,
yet these would again burden the German taxpayer with special funds, special
debts; see Ukraine.
We are again at the point of credibility. Chancellor
Friedrich Merz accuses the SPD of a policy of debts and high taxes, and himself
speaks of low energy prices and a strong economy, and again today. Of that, not
much has remained. Only, where do we stand today? Friedrich Merz is the Union’s
debts Chancellor in red clothes. A new indebtedness of, believe it or not, over
846 billion euros up to 2029 the coalition wants to bring through the Bundestag.
The goal should be economic growth.
Let us take for example 100 billion euros for a
comprehensive climate and transformation fund. There is ever still a theme of
green hydrogen. Planned was the manufacture of green steel. Only, for whom do
we still require these expensive forms of energy production? Besides, we of the
AfD have ever again indicated these are fantasies. The German steel industry
lies prostrate. When once the furnaces are extinguished, there is no more steel
from German production. Therefore, finally take leave of these fantasies!
And the 5 percent goal of NATO has been agreed, and it is
desired to fulfill it. Ladies and gentlemen, one cannot vote for it. We need
first for once to know for what the present investments will be used, and against
whom do we arm ourselves? On the whole, to where does NATO steer?
Herr Pistorius may recruit 10,000 additional soldiers. Are
then within the Bundeswehr administrative and procurement channels cut back? Do
we have sufficient functioning materiel? And before all: Have we sufficient
qualified personnel to guarantee the defense of the country? We should all
therefore hope that the alliance clause does not enter in.
Much more important is and presently remains the Strait of
Hormuz. It is in our unconditional German interest this commercial passage be
kept free without restrictions, especially for raw materials. The oil price has
meanwhile already reacted; the previously known highest prices for benzine and
diesel are nothing in comparison to what the consumer can then expect.
On the whole, the large countries of Europe need to come to
an understanding of their role. We know nothing of the plans of the U.S.A. We
were not drawn in, yet will be continually needed, primarily when the reckoning
comes. Europe needs to be perceived as an active negotiations partner and finally
clearly articulate its interests.
Valued colleagues, all wars have one thing in common: They
have losers on all sides and need to be avoided. We all for decades live in
peace. Let us leave it as is. Let us not become weary of peace, Herr Pistorius,
but much more fit for peace.
Many hearty thanks.
[trans: tem]