Monday, July 26, 2021

Stephan Brandner, July 20, 2021, Merkel and Thüringen Election

AfD Kompakt, July 20, 2021

Never before in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany has a Federal Chancellor demanded that the democratic election of a Minister-president need be rescinded – for good reason. Since no matter whether the outcome of a Minister-president election suits a Chancellor or not, he does not have standing to so express himself – certainly not in the form of a public demand that an election displeasing to him is to be rescinded. That alone invokes the neutrality duty to which every Chancellor as a constitutional organ is obligated.

That Chancellor Merkel nevertheless has done this makes obvious her democratic deficit: for one, this neutrality duty is to her either unknown or indifferent; for another, with her statement, she documents that she is not prepared to accept the result of a democratic election if this does not suit her.

And that three weeks before the oral deliberation, she had invited to an evening meal in common at the Chancellor’s office each of the Constitutional judges who tomorrow are to deliberate and decide the complaint against her, makes expressly clear that the Chancellor also is openly wanting in any feeling for a legal proceeding.

Against this background, her personal appearance tomorrow before the Federal Constitutional Court would be doubly desired. For only she herself can and must personally explain what she has set in motion with her statements in South Africa and the invitation of the Constitutional judges. All else would unfortunately be a further expression of disregard for the democratic and legal principles of our country.

 

[trans: tem]

 

Friday, July 23, 2021

Kristin Brinker, June 17, 2021, Electricity in Berlin

Berlin Abgeordnetenhaus, Plenarprotokoll 18/81, pp. 9470-9472.

Right honorable Herr President. Right honorable ladies and gentlemen.

We are today debating a sum of two billion euros – two billion euros which the State of Berlin shall pay for the electricity grid [Stromnetz]. This large scale alone self-evidently justifies the current affairs hour here today.

The Stromnetz Berlin GmbH for 130 years manages the electricity grid in Berlin with electrical lines laid mostly underground, transformer stations, and de-centralized energy generation. It is their duty to secure the electricity supply of all Berliners, of the businesses of Berlin, as well as of the public lighting, and it is responsible for the maintenance and renewal of the technical investment. These duties have been reliably carried out by the Stromnetz Berlin GmbH as a Vattenfall subsidiary to the present day.

The coalition now wants to socialize [verstaatlichen] this functioning, private enterprise for the reason that the electricity grid serves the public interest [Daseinsvorsorge], similar to the Berlin water works [Wasserbetriebe]. Colleague Stroedter has just referred to the Berlin water works; they will be gladly included as a chief witness of how a successful socialization can ensue.

Nevertheless, the comparison limps if one knows the history of the Berlin water works; thereto a brief digression: In 1999, under the SPD finance senator Fugmann-Heesing, the Berlin water works were partially privatized. Why? – The 1.7 billion euros in revenues at that time should serve to restore the Berlin State budget. Nevertheless, a result of the deal were secret pacts contractually guaranteeing returns of eight percent for private investors RWE and Veolia and increasing water prices of more than 30 percent at the cost of the Berliners, which would have come out even higher if money from the State budget had not been supplied.

Berlin citizens of the Berliner Wassertisch are to be thanked that this unspeakable, politically motivated, partial privatization had again been rescinded a few years later. If you now assert that the re-communization of the Berlin water works had been a complete success and a good comparative example for the purchase of the Berliner Stromnetz, then I say to you: The re-communization of the water works was merely a correction of the SPD’s fatally political, false decision and therefore in no way works as a comparative example for the socialization of the Berliner Stromnetz. The pros and cons in regards these large-scale businesses should be precisely weighed. That public interest undertakings should be in the hands of the State is thoroughly comprehensible. Since in the past sums in the millions in contested concession proceedings concerning the Berliner Stromnetz have been expended, it is in fact worthy of welcome that these legal arguments now find an end. That, to be sure, a successfully working, private business which acts in a strongly regulated market sector, can be better led by the State of Berlin – of that we have considerable doubt.

The State of Berlin as a businessman has surely not covered itself in glory. There are altogether for examples: The BER, an insufficient new housing construction, rotting bridges and streets, a gigantic backlog in public building restoration, disfunctional municipal offices, and further so. If Berliners were to rely on the promises of the politics, then they would be forsaken. How else is to be explained that, since the beginning of the legislature, no time period can be offered for the simplest, self-evident duties? Ultimately, this is a management proposition which any member of the Mittelstand, any small business owner can solve without a problem; only the Berlin State government under red-red-green since 2016 develops no solution.

Back to the electricity grid and the question of financing: As we have heard, purchasing outside of the core budget should be financed. That means that the entire purchase price is financed by a State holding and investment company [Beteilungsgesellschaft].

Credit costs are now so favorable as never and will be gladly used as an argument to sweet talk oneself into the purchase of the silverware. Yet we now also know that the electricity gird shall remain long-term in State hands. Do the credit interest rates also remain long-term so low? – Probably not. And if now long-term credit terms are concluded, we merely shift the budget risks into the future; we however do not abolish them.

Here arises the question of the current maintenance of the electricity grid. The State of Berlin is, ja, almost famous for gladly letting its State real property decay; several police and fire stations, school building, etc. – a song can be sung. The Stromnetz GmbH has in past years regularly invested three-figure sums in the millions for the restoration and construction of the grid. Whether the State of Berlin as owner also does this is the big question.

And how does the parliamentary control appear? – It is certainly promised to us and the Stromnetz GmbH will be a member of our investments committee. Yet everyone knows how difficult access to documentation will be made for us as parliamentarians when it is really critical, or how often supporting material is simply not placed at disposal or in places blacked-out. Authentic control appears differently.

The IBB, our State promotional bank, will play an important role in the financing. Yet that also means that the State of Berlin needs to ultimately assume securities which which in case of a crisis also need to be serviced. The liability risks thereby fall completely upon the taxpayer and naturally back on the core budget. Which liability risks can arise we may see in the instance of the BER which required three-figure sums in the millions so as not to need declare insolvency. Presently, we may see even so real liability risks in regards the Messe Berlin, in regards the Berliner Bäder-Betrieben, in regards all State-owned business which as a result of the lockdown preventive measures needed and need to bear considerable business losses.

In view of the State of Berlin’s highest indebtedness, we urgently plead, in direct regard of the future, to not enter into yet more budget risks which are in no way necessary. First perform actual budget duties and concern yourself so that an administration functions, before you socialize functioning, private undertakings.

Let us come to the politically subsumed goal of the coalition, which is to drive forward the energy transition. If one looks at the homepage of the Berliner Stromnetz GmbH, one can recognize that this already has now taken into its distribution network wind power investments, solar investments, and block heating power plants. One can also read that especially wind power and solar investments lead to particular challenges, since as is known, they do not constantly generate electricity. Yet the most important duty of the Stromnetz is to offer to all Berliners a secure electricity supply and to care for an equal network coverage. Precisely here we see the danger that this network coverage can no longer in the future be guaranteed. Here unfortunately help no green Utopias that can store the energy of an electricity grid. Political will plainly does not replace physical laws of nature.

In conclusion, let it be said: We hold the socialization of a private business functioning for 150 years to be false. We see in the coming decades considerable budget risks for the Berlin taxpayers and we fear that a stable electricity grid coverage can no longer be guaranteed in the future by means of political decisions.

We do not need more state, we need more entrepreneurship, more social market economy and more freedom!

Many thanks.

 

[trans: tem]

 

 

 

 

Wednesday, July 21, 2021

Jörg Urban, July 13, 2021, Corona Decree

AfD Kompakt, July 13, 2021 

In Saxony, the mask obligation applies in designated areas even when Corona cases are no longer at all registered. That is disproportionate and incompatible with the Saxon Constitution. Just so, we doubt the legality of the numerous testing obligations. Especially in the schools is the continued existence of the testing obligation questionable, since under certain circumstances it annuls the right of our children to an education.

For a year and a half, the Saxon State government under the auspices of the Social Ministry conducts a policy which massively curtails the freedom of the person, the general business freedom and the freedom of occupation. That this unacceptable, long-term situation will be maintained, even with an infection incidence of nearly nil, shows the government’s lack of will to completely restore the basic rights.

For this reason, we again appear before the Constitutional Court. We have already preferred corresponding complaints against two older Corona emergency decrees. Unfortunately, the need for urgency of these complaints was not acknowledged. The Constitutional Court nevertheless signaled that it regarded very critically several of the regulations.

The issuer of the decree must establish the efficacy of each of the several preventive measures with objective, scientific facts. This so far has not ensued from the start. Thus – if at all – a minimal effect answers for a maximum restriction of freedom. Precisely this is unconstitutional.

In addition, the government simply shoves aside all scientific doubt in its preventive measures. Statisticians of the Ludwig-Maximilian University, Munich, discovered that there is no direct connection between Corona preventive measures and a decline of infections. Why are such understandings not considered?

On the basis of this striking deficiency, we see great prospects of success before the court and demand the unconstitutional Corona decree finally be annulled. It is time to change over to the principle of individual responsibility.

 

 

[trans: tem]