Thursday, August 6, 2020

Uwe Witt, August 6, 2020, Part-time Pay Extension


Uwe Witt
Part-time Pay Extension
AfD Kompakt, August 6, 2020

[Uwe Witt is an Alternative für Deutschland Bundestag member from the western German state of Nordrhein-Westfalen. He is a human resources manager. Marcus Söder (CSU) is minister-president of Bavaria.]

Corona in the meantime is acting as a fire accelerator and a fulfillment aid for the left-green, ideological re-structuring of the German economy. Not only have the government’s measures for containing the Corona virus forced the German economy to its knees; no, now the wonder medicine of part-time pay also operates to the detriment of the labor market. Since as long as a firm operates on part-time, there is an automatic hiring freeze. This development will continue if the government, as demanded by Marcus Söder, extends the part-time pay regulations far into next year. After expiration of the special regulations at the end of the year, of the present 6.9 million part-time workers at most half may return to their regular, full-time workplaces. Economists are therefore figuring on unemployment numbers of over five million in Germany. The extension of part-time work only serves to prettify the unemployment statistics. You obviously only want to drag out the problem of a menacing mass unemployment until after the next federal election. End the headless course of the Corona crisis management and again give people prospects of returning to their old workplaces at a pre-Corona level.


[trans: tem]


Wednesday, August 5, 2020

Alice Weidel, July 30, 2020, Recession


Alice Weidel
Recession
AfD Kompakt, July 30, 2020

[Alice Weidel is a chairman of the Alternative für Deutschland delegation in the German Bundestag as well as AfD chairman in the western German state of Baden-Württemberg.]

The Federal Republic of Germany is stuck in the most difficult recession of its existence. That is not only the consequence of the much too long lockdown and the many times over-done Corona measures, a portion of which will continue to be maintained. “Climate defense” socialism and an “energy transformation” planned economy have already done heavy damage to the foundations of the German economy and industry. As long as this policy is enforced, all the invocations of a rapid economic recovery are simply faith-healing without reference to reality.

Hundreds of thousands have already lost their jobs, part-time work is at record level. It is unknown how many of the almost seven million part-time workers may keep their jobs. Germany is standing before an autumn of bankruptcy with tens of thousands of insolvencies and mass unemployment. The enormous public expenditures have thus far only protracted these consequences yet in the long-term cannot stop them. Conversely, the public debt, to the burden of future generations, will be irresponsibly driven through the roof.

Against this background, it is irresponsible of the Federal government to want to pump billions and billions as transfers and liability obligations into the EU re-distribution system in the form of the so-called “Reconstruction Funds”. We need our money in our own country. Germany needs a political transformation. The best cyclical program in this situation would be a reduction of value-added, income and business taxes for an undetermined period, the withdrawal from the failed “energy transformation” and a foregoing of the pursuit of the unworldly, “climate defense”, planned economy. The irresponsible efforts to conjure up a “second wave” and a new “lockdown” are, on the contrary, poison for the economic recovery and could end in the annihilation of countless existences.



[trans: tem]


Saturday, August 1, 2020

Alexander Wiesner, July 16, 2020, Direct Democracy


Alexander Wiesner
Direct Democracy
Saxon Landtag, July 16, 2020, Plenarprotokoll 7/13, pp. 785-786

[Alexander Wiesner is an Alternative für Deutschland member of the legislature of the eastern German state of Saxony. He is a business consultant.]

Right honorable Herr President. Right honorable ladies and gentlemen.

Approximately 30 years have passed since the re-founding of Saxony. The peaceful revolution began scarcely a year before that time. How much has 1989/1990 changed, and with what notable speed?

The adoption of the Saxony constitution lasted some two years more. It took effect on June 6, 1992. Since then, the constitution has been amended just once and, in fact, to adopt the debt limitation [Schuldenbremse].

Second Vice-president André Wendt: Wait a moment, please – I want to request quiet, it is very noisy here.

Sarah Buddeberg (Linke): Oh, really?

In the meantime, there have been many parliamentary initiatives for altering the constitution. The first constant was the rejection of all of these initiatives by the government parties. The second constant is that since 1990 the CDU continuously participated in the various governments.

Yet now there appears at this point to be some movement coming into play. I want to cite the Minister-president’s government declaration of January 29, 2020: “ In regards the people’s participation, we must go new ways…We invite members of the other delegations to speak with us concerning a constitutional amendment so as to enhance the possibilities of citizen participation in the Free State of Saxony, and, in fact, by the people’s request,  by the citizens’ request and by also the so-called Volkseinwand [popular petition requiring a legislature to vote again on enacted legislation]. I am very interested in good ideas and a lively discussion. I think that this country needs more direct democracy so as to ultimately become stronger and to secure decisions and alterations better than up to now has been the case in parliament.”

Right honorable Herr Minister-president, the AfD delegation also wants to enhance the possibilities of citizen participation. We also are of the view that this country needs more democracy. We want to go this way.

With the submitted draft law, the AfD will give the people more possibilities to insert themselves into the legislative processes. We thereby attach an AfD draft law which was brought in during the 6th legislative period. The submitted printed materials take up the authentication and improve upon it, and yet also contain instruments which in the past indeed have been discussed, but which have not become law.  

I want to briefly sketch the key points of this draft law.

First, a more important point is the introduction of an obligatory referendum if the constitution is to be amended. The constitution regulates the most elementary principles by which we all have agreed to live together. The AfD delegation is of the opinion that the people must have the last word when it comes to an alteration of these principles. That cannot depend, as previously, on a people’s decision being implemented only with the blessing of half the Landtag or according to Article 72.

So as to justify the constitutional standing, the draft law foresees that in a referendum at least 25% of those eligible to vote must participate. Other than previously, it is however sufficient if the majority of the votes cast agree to the constitutional amendment.  

Second. The AfD again takes up the idea of a qualified mass petition. The previously existing right of petition will be hereby sensibly expanded. The petitioners will be allowed the possibility of a verbal hearing with inter-action. The qualified mass petition is to be understood as a quasi call upon the Landtag to occupy itself with specified themes, without the necessity of getting a people’s initiative underway.

Third. We moreover want to make it easier for our citizens to introduce their ideas by means of people’s initiatives. In the 28 years that our constitution has existed, only nine people’s motions were submitted. Only a single one … was agreed to by the Landtag. The quorum of 40,000 supporters proves to be too high a hurdle for many initiatives.

That also goes for three people’s requests. Only one people’s request came through and resulted in a people’s decision, namely for the savings bank law. Without the logistical support of the savings banks, even this success apparently would not have been possible.

Conversely, since 1990, the Landtag has agreed to over 800 laws. Article 3, sect. 2 of the Saxon constitution states that the Landtag and the people have equal standing to legislate. The honored principle is nevertheless contradicted by the constitutional reality.

Yet what is a nominal equal authority of Landtag and people worth if it is not a lived reality? The AfD delegation therefore wishes to distinctly reduce the support quorum for people’s motions and people’s requests.

Fourth. The heart of the draft is the facultative referendum. A law agreed to by the Landtag is accordingly to be put before the people for a vote when this is demanded by 0.5% of the eligible voters. Exempted therefrom are tax, compensation and budget laws.

We have been thoroughly aware that the facultative referendum is, of all the others, the controversial one. The lively discussion on an equivalent draft law in the 6th legislative period may be recalled. It is nevertheless time for a paradigm change. The times of a party’s absolute majority are past and thereby also the times of a clear voter mandate. If, for example, the voters in Saxony give a majority of votes to bürgerlichen parties, yet they receive a black-green-red government, then one must indeed ask how seriously the votes of the voters are taken.

What is it when in Thüringen the red-red-green election losers form the government and are thereby tolerated by a CDU which before the election had signaled to its voters not to form coalitions with the Linke or in a similar way to cooperate? Yet does not exactly this procedure present a violation of the election promises and thereby a breach of trust with the voters? It is, ja, passing strange what will be interpreted into the election results after the election.

            Valentin Lippmann (Greens): Yes, by you!

Right honorable members. Yes, we have a representative democracy and, yes, the voters can go to the polls to announce their preferences every five years in the state election and, according to the wording of the constitution, arrange for people’s initiatives. Yet is that really adequate to sufficiently reflect the will of the voters? The hitherto people’s legislative procedure is in fact only on paper, and much too often the decision of the voters on election day is understood by the government coalition to a be blank check for rotten compromises and allegedly alternative-less decisions in the current election period. Yet how far can the will of the voters be ignored without doing damage to democracy? We of the AfD delegation are of the opinion that the system of representative democracy requires a fundamental improvement. This draft law shall be the impetus for that.

Many thanks.



[trans tem]