Monday, November 28, 2022

Ulrike Schielke-Ziesing, November 24, 2022, Budget: Labor and Social

German Bundestag, Plenarprotokoll 20/70, pp. 8126-8127.

Frau President. Dear colleagues. Honorable citizens.

To begin with: It is just two weeks that we stand here and debate the so-called Bürgergeld [citizens’ wage]. I was frankly amazed at this low point in the debate culture. Such abuses with which you have dismissed the opposition’s objections do not belong here.

Yet this thin skin also shows: You had not reckoned with the massive criticism which indeed did not come just from the associations and the Federal Budget Authority but also from the bases of your parties. Just so is to be explained the mitigation with which you under pressure are allowed to retire from some of the grossest blunders.

Yet what still remains is unfortunately scarcely better. There remains: The Bürgergeld is contra-productive, it invites abuse and it is a slap in the face of those who get up every morning to themselves work for their income. Worse still: It drastically increases the danger that people land in long-term unemployment and remain there. Who contests that has for long not spoken with the co-workers at the job centers, and this in a time in which there is scarcely anything more important than to put to work as many people as possible.  

Dear colleagues, today however we speak on what all of this costs and how it shall be financed.  And look: Where in the draft law 4.8 billion euros was still estimated for section 11 is now found only around 3 billion. You already need to finance heating costs from the 60s and that in its first year of introduction. What comes after? Do you then abolish the Bürgergeld if the receipts disappear as is now foreseeable?

As you know, we stand at the beginning of a difficult recession and a wave of business insolvencies. Many people will lose their work. Inflation increases further and thereby also the cost of living. Who can no longer support that may soon land in the social system. All of that in the future needs to paid for. I step by step ask myself: Where from?

The Ampel governs according to the motto: “Rule of Thumb – According to Cash on Hand” [„Pi mal Daumen – Nach Kassenlage“] and with eyes closed hopes for the best. All of this recalls the basic pension. There also an actually correct investment, namely the increase of means for the socially needy, was ideologically overburdened and against all reason perverted into its opposite.

And the basic pension was a prestige objective of Herr Heil. Yet, so as to cite Herr Habeck, it is, ja, “only money”. This quite metaphysical attitude explains with what grandiosity the taxpayers’ money will be dealt with.

The Ampel already in its first year of government made debts of around 550 billion euros. As if that were not enough: In the shadows besides pile up around 28 creatively entitled special funds for this and that and in a sum of billions – debts which do not emerge in the Federal budget, which nevertheless need to be paid back by our children and grandchildren – the latest being the Aktienrente [securities pensions]. It is fundamentally right to reconsider a long-term expansion and the apportionment financing in the pension insurance. Yet to do so as if the pension insurance could be made demographically secure with an injection of 10 billion euros is ridiculous.

For comparison: The volume of the mandated pension insurance already today amounts to around 330 billion euros per year, a third of which is tax subsidies. Therein is measured the sum which is dealt with here – not a drop on the hot stone. For an effect worthy of the name, a far higher contribution as a strong expenditure thus needs be planned for, and in fact yearly – if one then has the money. Instead, even the 10 billion euro injection needs to be financed on credit. Herr Lindner thus ambles along in the expectation that the yield on the capital investments in the long-term exceed the costs which he, on account of rising interest rates, must pay for. That is dangerous.

The alternative is on that account uncomfortable: Change course and save what the thing contains. All expenditures need to be on the test stand under the given: What is really necessary and sensible? What do we need to secure the economic foundations of the country? From what need we take leave?

Dear colleagues, nothing of this is recognized, nothing of this is willed. That is a cause for concern, since it permanently damages our country. Thus will further billions be sunk for ideological nonsense, while at the other end money is lacking, for example, for the appropriate endowment of hardship cases. That affects hundreds of thousands of pensioners in the east who many times live in poverty because, as you know, a portion of their pension was taken as a result of procedural failures in the transition in the West German pension law.    

The intended solution remains far behind the justified expectations. Even your SPD colleague Dulig designates it as – cite – “a political compromise to the smallest common denominator”.  It is too little, it helps nothing, and it is not appropriate to the people who so long await support. I therefore appeal to you: Enlarge this common denominator! Do what is right! For other things, the money is apparently there.

Many thanks.

 

 

[trans: tem]

 

Tuesday, November 22, 2022

René Springer, November 10, 2022, International Rights

German Bundestag, Plenarprotokoll 60/66, pp. 7696-7697.

Frau President. Right honorable ladies and gentlemen.

Mention was already made of the ratification of the 2008 facultative protocols – it is already some time here – for the international pact on economic, social and cultural rights.

I am irritated that the two preceding speakers have made reference to Qatar. Human rights in Qatar are nevertheless not so protected that we here today are to ratify this treaty.

            Wolfgang Strengmann-Kuhn (Greens): I spoke of Germany!

That lies in the hands of Qatar. And Qatar has not ratified this treaty. I would wish that you not tell such nonsense to those who are watching. That is completely misleading.

What shall this facultative protocol make possible? A grievance procedure will be contrived for individuals and groups which, subsequent to the exhaustion of national state legal means, will have the opportunity to lodge a grievance at a UN committee if they feel themselves violated in their rights. Individual persons and groups? What are groups? NGOs, that is nevertheless clear. Here is an NGO law. Here, it is about that once again will be created for NGOs the possibility by means of international organizations to execute an attack upon the national states. That is the actual aim. – At least you applaud honestly.

We of the Alternative für Deutschland always put forward two questions: A law has which uses, and which risks proceed from a law? What are uses of this? In a two-fold sense: None. The rights dealt with here which have been defined in the 1973 international pact on economic, social and cultural rights – which was ratified – are guaranteed and protected in Germany. No one here present would assert that these rights are stepped on in Germany.  

            Kai Whittaker (CDU/CSU): Yet you assert it every day!

Thus we therefore do not need this law. Beyond that, it is a duty of the lawmaker to adjust to where a need for regulation exists. And we are the lawmakers and not some international organization distant from our states.

            Götz Frömming (AfD): That is so!

Beyond that, risks proceed from this law if we ratify it. What will happen is that NGOs will make Germany laughable before the United Nations where, for example, limitations of rights are made a theme in the sense that they are certainly not limitations of rights if it is meant seriously. I even see already some sort of crazy gender association which then brings complaint before the United Nations that here there are no toilets for the fourth gender.

            Manuel Gava (SPD): That is precisely the aim!

That is nevertheless to where this law leads. We do not want precisely that. We do not want that a UN committee decides over what is here law and statute.

            Stephan Stracke (CDU/CSU): That is just not right!

You say: What is happening here is not legally binding, it is only soft law. – Yet the fact nevertheless is that soft law very quickly becomes hard law,

            Stephan Stracke (CDU/CSU): Now he’s on “soft law”. It’s just nonsense!

by which of course national courts in regards their decisions draw upon that decision of the next higher level for an interpretation.

            Vice-president Aydan Özoğuz: Please come to a conclusion.

Thereby is national law nevertheless again at an end

            Lamya Kaddor (Greens): That is pitiful!

and that we reject.     

We reject the left-green Agenda which pursues just one goal:

Vice-president Aydan Özoğuz: Please come to a conclusion.

To soften up the national state and democracy for an attack by international organizations.

I am grateful for the attention.

            Lamya Kaddor (Greens): Good night!

 

 

[trans: tem]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Monday, November 21, 2022

Tobias Peterka, November 10, 2022, Ukraine War Tribunal

German Bundestag, Plenarprotokoll 60/66, pp. 7679-7680.

Frau President. Right honorable colleagues.

The motion put forward by the CDU ascribes to nothing less that the enforcement of justice and cites nothing less than a judgement of the Nuremberg process. This determined, courageous leap, here well attempted, however clearly falls short, and even immediately in the second paragraph of the text which meekly yields on what is here proposed.  

Yes, put forward is a Russian war of sudden aggression according to articles 1 and 3 of the corresponding definition of the United Nations. No one disputes that and no one wants to sugar-coat that. Yet the so-called security of world peace will now be assigned, according to article 24 of the UN Charter, to the helplessly outdated construct of the Security Council in which Russia possesses a right of veto. We all the more cannot proceed at the much too late established International Criminal Court; since there, China and Russia have, by definition with the U.S.A. as three similar veto powers, withdrawn themselves from trouble. The U.S.A. would even be prepared to liberate its own citizens from the Hague by means of a commando mission.

Thence now this apparent solution of a dilemma by a special tribunal: What of its apparent value shall exactly, legally lead to where? The tribunal for Yugoslavia was at the time validated by the Security Council and thereby found itself entirely within the executive power [Vollzug] of the UN Charter. That will plainly not work here, since Russia is against it. Thus a court beneath the actual level of the UN, sustained by a pair of intermediary powers? Certain actions can be internationally represented if that is wanted, yet to completely ignore fundamental, real factors – that seldom leads to success and always damages one’s own credibility.

Clearly, this special tribunal would initially not directly and substantially affect us as do the economic sanctions. Yet wherefore then have we in the West lauded and spread with gusto the principle of world law? Would it not be much more honest to deliberate the elaboration of war crimes in the Ukraine directly before national courts? Naturally in regards to both warring parties. The cooperation problem then would not be pettier and, all the same, not all perpetrators would be in custody.

One thing however is definitely presumptuous: To believe we could, by means of a tribunal decision, direct the president of an atomic power. The only two instances of who would be in a position to direct Putin are the Russian oligarchs and the Russian people. Whether these consider doing that is however their decision alone.

The presently proposed special tribunal would be a nice-looking covering

            Vice-president Aydan Özoğuz: Please come to a conclusion, Herr colleague.

without effective content, the proverbial Potemkin village. We should not erect that. We should preferably leave that to others.

Many thanks.

 

[trans: tem]